The late US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered one of the most influential incumbents of that office in the nation's history. Although many VPs were confined to peripheral or ceremonial positions, Cheney held enormous power during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a group of neo-conservatives that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the downing of any non-communicating planes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults changed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the enhanced interrogation of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I hold that view today."
Yet even then, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memo detailing circumstances in which American interests might be endangered (encompassing "access to crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been fired by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his father's face that all visitors had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting attacking Iraq, frequently citing agency briefings that were both thin or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the use of interrogation method and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and establish procedures to capture the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in monikers given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen emerge from his domain? It's a advantageous way to function, actually."
Business Interests
Controversy over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had limited background in business but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy companies, in 1995 as chair and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals valued at multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the corporation increased from his $258,394 while military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at more than $20m|twenty
